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During the summer of 2019, Harcourt road in Central Hong Kong held a sea of umbrellas. Packed tightly, shoulder to shoulder, a great mass of multi-coloured webs extended across the street and up to the sky, resembling some ancient rain dance ritual adapted for the modern age. Beneath them, stood an army of frustrated and furious Hong Kongers. Gripping the curved handles of their umbrellas, they chanted for freedom of press, democracy and accountability following months of violent police arrests and beatings. A national security law implemented in June 2019 had caused citywide uproar against plans to allow extraditions to mainland China. The threat of silenced dissenters and disappearing activists loomed large. So naturally, locals had taken to the streets.

Hong Kong has always been in a constant state of adjustment, whether it was to Britain after it was ceded in 1842 (during the Opium Wars) or back to China in 1997. Since then it has operated under a “one country, two systems” policy; Hong Kongers can enjoy the rights to an independent legal system, the right to assembly and the right to free speech; privileges that their Chinese counterparts cannot. Overall, this passing back and forth has created an identity that is somehow both porous and strongly defined. On the one hand, Hong Kongers cannot deny that they have been shaped by their past and by those in power. On the other hand, they refuse to be encompassed by their overlords. They stand instead, defiantly in the middle, challenging anyone to flatten or simplify that innate sense of identity. Paris, similarly, is no stranger to civil unrest and I wonder if Hong Kong could act as a digital oracle not only for France but for anyone fighting for a more democratic world.

Looking back at the last thirty years, the slow absorption of Hong Kong into China has skulked on the horizon of Hong Kong’s future for some time now. In recent months, stricter bills have been furtively passed, pro-democracy bookshops have shuttered and activists have often disappeared. For the most part, Hong Kongers protested peacefully. They carried banners, tents and umbrellas to the streets urging governments to rethink draconian surveillance laws and to remember the promise of: “One country, two systems”. 

But in June of 2019, something in the air shifted. Protesters, previously tolerated, were suddenly met with rubber bullets and tear gas canisters - a furious subset attempted to storm governmental buildings. Running from law enforcement’s new weapons, huge crowds dispersed through the tight streets of Hong Kong, trampling each other in their desperation to flee. Protestors had little defence but their trusty umbrellas and throwing gas canisters back at those who had launched them. The whole city was transformed into a war zone. A sense of paranoia took hold of Hong Kongers as they desperately dodged being identified by law enforcement, smashing security cameras and using cash where they could. 

Aside from the sudden appearance of riot weapons there appeared an even more sinister force - digital surveillance. China’s extensive use of video surveillance and facial recognition technology leered at Hong Kongers from a distance; buying a coffee in a rioting neighbourhood or tapping in a metro card at the ‘wrong’ station could easily incriminate you. Chaos descended and citizens were caught in a chase with their own digital footprint. Daily life, which normally takes place at lightning speed, ground to a halt and many locals feared taking the metro or leaving their apartments for fear of being mistaken for a protestor and getting arrested.

Then, on the 21st of July, a chilling event occurred. Protestors had been caught in daily clashes with the police for weeks by this point and that day had been no different. As these weary commuters boarded the MTR at Yuen Long station they were suddenly met by a huge gang of men in white t-shirts allegedly fighting in support of the Chinese government. Protestors, dressed all in black, were subsequently battered with heavy sticks and steel pipes - many were later hospitalised with severe injuries. The station’s tiled steps were now awash with blood and grime. Police arrived too late to the scene to make arrests and did little to ease tensions. The next day a video was leaked of local politician, Junius Ho, shaking hands with and congratulating the gang in white. Many of these men were later identified as members of the Hong Kong mafia or the “triads” as they’re colloquially known. 

The event brought tensions to a boiling point and soon the focus turned from China’s new laws to law enforcement. Trust in the police force disintegrated swiftly and locals rallied for greater accountability. Surveillance in particular seemed to divide the war zone. Umbrellas, goggles and masks were vital to protect against the sting of tear gas but they also served the purpose of disguising the identity of citizens. Over the course of the protests, hundreds of arrests were made with many protestors identified through facial recognition software from largely peaceful marches. Prominent activists like Joshua Wong were arrested to set an example to others. Though many protestors felt the importance of joining marches and creating a break in governmental infrastructure, many also feared violence at the hands of the police, to the extent that plain clothes were hidden and distributed at key metro stations so that protestors, normally dressed all in black, could blend in better with bystanders. Though face masks may be a new addition to our wardrobes, they have long been a staple of Hong Kong activist life in order to feel protected under the omnipresent eye of digital surveillance.

In the digital sphere, lines of communication dived deep underground in a bid to evade the watchful eye of Big Brother. Although the secure messaging app Telegram is technically banned in Hong Kong, protestors found the end-to-end encryption invaluable in organising protests and providing much needed emotional support. In previous times, perhaps China would have deployed tanks, but today, their most lethal weapons - are hackers. During the violent summer, a glitch in Telegram resulted in a massive data leak spearheaded by government hackers. Activists, terrified of being hunted down, purged old messages and reverted to leaving coded paper messages and symbols of encouragement around the city.

Citizens then attempted to turn the tables on the system. Especially violent police officers were identified by protesters and publicly ‘doxxed’ online, a practice in which personal addresses and names of family members are published on apps like Telegram. In a particularly dystopian turn of events, many police officers hid themselves by ripping off their identification badges and journalists were often blocked or attacked in the midst of rioting by officers; their cameras confiscated or smashed to the ground. Many of the ‘doxxers’ were arrested and now face time in jail.  

During the Yuen Long clash, colloquially referred to as the “721” incident, bystanders filmed the attacks on their phones; what stands out, is how violent those in white shirts are and how outnumbered the pro-democrats are in black. Despite clear civilian filmed footage demonstrating the opposite, the police force issued a statement referring to the clash as an altercation between two “evenly matched” groups. In defiance of huge protests, the CCTV footage from that night remains unreleased, resulting in a digital tug of war between the government and enraged Hong Kongers. Enquiries into the unnecessary use of rubber bullets and tear gas as well as the seizing of reporting equipment were also demanded. 

As of yet, the national government has refused to step down and the new security laws were introduced, the global pandemic then quashed the remaining embers of the sustained seven-month-long rebellion. A year on, protests were banned last month around China’s National Day citing Covid19 precautions. As a result, Hong Kongers have become both resigned to their fate yet remain hopeful. Speaking to the BBC, leading activist Agnes Chow explains:

"Hong Kong has become an increasingly hopeless place. Hong Kongers yearn for democracy, freedom… and these still seem very distant.

But, she adds: "Many social movements face huge obstacles. Many people make sacrifices. 

"We shouldn't let despair and fear dominate our mind. We have to persist to fight for democracy."

"How to overcome fear?" she asks. 

"If anyone knows a way, please teach me."

The threat of police violence and digital surveillance haunts many places in all parts of the world, but perhaps this is a time when activists can learn from one another. As Paris and the rest of France battles with the new security law and increasing police violence, we are again reminded of the importance of protesting bodies in the street and how they can shape infrastructure. Regarding France’s new bill, Politico reports: “Article 21 of the bill would let the police use body cams and transmit that footage in real time to their command centers, while article 22 would legalize surveillance drones in public spaces.” Given France’s growing interest in facial recognition technology ahead of the 2024 Olympics coupled with China’s proficiency in the software, perhaps it’s time to heed the example of Hong Kong as a warning. 

Although pro-democracy Hong Kongers have suffered many crushing blows, we have much to learn when it comes to evading digital surveillance and the enduring power of the human spirit. 

The saga as a whole provides a few warnings, after all, the differences between Hong Kong and France may not be as large as you think. The streets of Hong Kong much like the streets of France are no strangers to tension and protest. Both, throughout the years have acted as stages for democratic contestation.

Civil unrest in Hong Kong and France 

Written by Tiffany Lai